The United Kingdom cherishes its unique bond with the United States, but this does not guarantee that President Trump will reciprocate the affection.

The United Kingdom cherishes its unique bond with the United States, but this does not guarantee that President Trump will reciprocate the affection.
The United Kingdom cherishes its unique bond with the United States, but this does not guarantee that President Trump will reciprocate the affection.
  • The U.K. values its relationship with the U.S., which is based on shared values and numerous cultural, diplomatic, linguistic, and commercial ties.
  • The intensity of bonds felt across the Atlantic has always been a source of disagreement for London.
  • The "special relationship" between the United States and the United Kingdom could be tested when President Donald Trump returns to the White House after winning the election against Vice President Kamala Harris.

The U.K. values its relationship with the U.S., which is based on shared values and numerous cultural, diplomatic, linguistic, and commercial ties.

The relationship between London and the U.S. is unique due to the long-standing bonds and geopolitical interests shared by both cities.

The bond between the U.S. and U.K. could be tested further when Donald Trump returns to the White House following his election win, as the feeling of exceptionalism and unique closeness is not always felt as keenly across the Atlantic.

In the lead-up to the vote, Keir Starmer, Britain's Prime Minister, attempted to strengthen ties with Trump by reaching out to him after an assassination attempt and dining with him at Trump Tower in September.

The president-elect received congratulations from Starmer, who expressed excitement for a cooperative relationship with Trump.

"We, as the closest of allies, stand shoulder to shoulder in defense of our shared values of freedom, democracy, and enterprise," he remarked, adding, "The U.K.-U.S. special relationship will continue to prosper on both sides of the Atlantic in growth, security, innovation, and tech for years to come."

With a new Trump administration, Starmer may need to grovel.

Last month, tensions rose after Trump's campaign team accused the Labour Party of "blatant foreign interference" in the presidential election, claiming that party activists had travelled to the U.S. to help Harris' campaign. Starmer and the party denied the accusations.

The contrast between the impulsive and unconventional personality of Trump, a businessman-turned-politician, and the more composed approach of the former human rights lawyer who has a history of challenging powerful corporations in court is evident.

On Wednesday, Starmer pledged to maintain a strong relationship with the U.S., emphasizing the importance of the "special relationship" forged in challenging circumstances between the two nations.

Kemi Badenoch, the leader of Britain's opposition Conservative Party, which is more aligned with the Republicans, challenged Starmer over his past criticism of Trump by the current Labour foreign minister, who in 2018 called Trump a "woman-hating, neo-Nazi-sympathising sociopath" and a "profound threat to the international order" in a magazine article. Lammy has since stated that he would work with Trump and would attempt to persuade the NATO-skeptic Republican to remain in the military alliance.

The UK can lie low

According to economists, Britain should not anticipate any unique advantages when a new Trump administration takes office, but they believe it unlikely that the U.K would be a primary target for retaliatory measures, such as import tariffs, that could be imposed on the European Union and China as Trump seeks to strengthen America's economic standing.

What is the special relationship?

Trump has threatened to revive a trade war with China, stating in his campaign that he would raise tariffs on Chinese goods by 60-100% and impose a blanket 10% tariff on all U.S. imports, opening up a new front in trade tensions with two of its largest trading partners, the EU and China. The U.K., now outside the European bloc, might find its post-Brexit position an advantage.

After Trump's election win, Kallum Pickering, chief economist at Peel Hunt, stated that the U.K. is likely to be overlooked due to its small size, as he told CNBC.

"We are no longer part of the EU. The big two that will be targeted by Trump are China and the EU. We won't face any issues with NATO commitments because we fulfill our own. However, with Europe, Trump could potentially say, 'we'll threaten you with a trade war, but if you increase your military spend and meet your NATO commitments, we'll not impose tariffs,'" Pickering stated, emphasizing that "Trump likes to trade everything off."

Pickering stated that while "Starmer may have offended Trump at some point, or David Lammy might have offended America," these issues are minor compared to Trump's problems with Europe and NATO or China containment. Therefore, with careful diplomacy, the U.K. and the U.S. can quickly resolve their differences.

Not so special anymore

Pickering stated that the U.K. could still be beneficial to an incoming Trump administration, despite the "special relationship" being primarily advantageous for the U.S.

"Can the U.K. maintain its position as a mid-Atlantic intermediary between America and Europe, now that it has left the EU? This has always been the U.K.'s strength - being an English-speaking common-law, American partner within the European Union, and leveraging that relationship to influence diplomatically."

According to Holger Schmieding, chief economist at Berenberg, the "special relationship" between the UK and the US has lost its uniqueness.

Schmieding stated on CNBC Wednesday that while there has been strong cooperation on intelligence gathering and some military aspects, all recent U.S. administrations have treated the U.K. as a typical mid-size European country.

The fact that Trump and Starmer do not get along will not significantly impact future U.S.-U.K. negotiations. However, it is not the main issue, as the U.S. is unlikely to provide special treatment to any European country.

Schmieding advised that the U.K. should coordinate its response to Trump with its European neighbors, particularly regarding how to handle the situation if Trump reduces U.S. military aid to Ukraine, which is anticipated, meaning Europe will be responsible for filling the funding gap left by Ukraine's primary ally since Russia invaded in February 2022.

Since Trump left office in 2021, the picture has improved, but the president-elect is likely to continue to pressure European members of NATO to increase their defense spending, a persistent issue for Trump.

In 2014, NATO members pledged to spend 2% of their national GDP on defense, but several countries, including Germany, France, Italy, Turkey, Spain, and Canada, have not yet met this commitment. Even the Netherlands, whose former leader Mark Rutte is now NATO chief, has not fulfilled the spending pledge.

Starmer made a "cast-iron commitment" to increase U.K. defense spending to 2.5% of GDP, but has not given a timetable for the increase. Despite this, the U.K. is in Trump's good books when it comes to defense spending, with its expenditure standing at 2.3% of GDP in 2023, according to NATO figures. The U.S. spent 3.2%, making it the second-largest spender after Poland, at 3.9%.

In February, Trump threatened to withdraw military protection from any NATO member who had not fulfilled their financial obligations to the alliance, and even urged adversaries to take aggressive action against that country.

by Holly Ellyatt

Politics